IDPI

Posts From Dražen Pehar

    Theory of dediscoursification and implementation of Dayton peace  as continuation of the state of war

Theory of dediscoursification and implementation of Dayton peace as continuation of the state of war

Izetbegović’s discourse is filled with the examples of violation of all key values of moral-discursive matrix of language: for instance, we find many contradictory statements concerning essential issues and aspects of BiH politics; the statement on civil, ethnically unmarked BiH in parallel with the statement on BiH-Moslems as a foundational, and even majority, people to BiH who can claim some special rights over the state; or the expression of the wish to accept the condition of war with the aim of defending Bosnia’s full sovereignty in the sense of an undivided rule; but also the expression of readiness to arrange the relations within BiH in accordance with both Serb and Croat interests.

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    Why has Bonn-powered High Representative never been a sign of progress for Bosnia-Herzegovina: four reflections

Why has Bonn-powered High Representative never been a sign of progress for Bosnia-Herzegovina: four reflections

In reflections offered here author advocate a thesis: for a number of clear and pertinent reasons, the acting of Bonn-powered HR is inherently damaging to Bosnia-Herzegovina as a state and also as an association both of entities and of peoples and citizens.

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    Democracy, democratic representation, and constitutional logic of ethnic electoral units in Bosnia-Herzegovina

Democracy, democratic representation, and constitutional logic of ethnic electoral units in Bosnia-Herzegovina

What is a problem with the election of Željko Komšić as a BiH Presidency member?

As Drazen Pehar explains, the election of Komšić stands in violation of the Dayton Constitution for Bosnia-Herzegovina, in particular of the preamble to the Constitution. Since the BiH Election Law currently in force sanctions the election, the law itself is unconstitutional. As a part of the explanation, Pehar offers a detailed argument in support of the theses that, first, in this part, the election law is actually an effect of a flawed and unpersuasive interpretation of the Dayton Constitution, and, secondly, that the logic of the Constitution plausibly interpreted supports the idea of ethnic electoral units.

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On an analysis by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung that should have remained unpublished

  On an analysis by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung that should have remained unpublished

It is with amazement, perhaps even a shock, that one should register the amount of irresponsibility and incompetence with which some NGOs in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) approach some serious issues or tasks, such as analysis of a status of a constituent people, or peoples, within the context of the process of ‘implementing of Dayton peace frame for BiH,’ as the somewhat empty phrase has it. One of the best illustrations of such a sad condition can be found in a study recently published by Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS), a German non-profit organization funded by the CDU, in cooperation with European Academy at Sarajevo.

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Multiethnic reflections on an unjustifiably suppressed and repeatedly violated Dayton agreement

  Multiethnic reflections on an unjustifiably suppressed and repeatedly violated Dayton agreement

This essay deals with an unfairly neglected document, the Dayton Agreement on Implementing the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, signed at Dayton on November 10 1995. The first two parts of the essay reproduce the key provisions and the character of the agreement, and also the agreement’s key implications. The third part of the essay aims to problematize the process of implementation of the Dayton framework for peace in light of the agreement on implementing the Federation. Finally, the fourth part issues a number of recommendations at several levels as a part of an attempt to clarify the ways in which the situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina could be amended.

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